Good roads. Terrible journey

 From Jos to Port Aba, what once took 12 hours now takes up to 24 — not because of bad roads, but because of too many checkpoints and endless 'tips'. A painful reality we can no longer ignore.

Between 1997 and 2003, it used to take about twelve hours to travel from Jos to Port Harcourt. Now, it takes about nineteen hours—almost twenty-four hours—due to changing dynamics. What makes it even more disheartening is the fact that the roads have improved. The roads, especially from Akwanga in Nasarawa State down to the Southeast, have been rehabilitated: they are wide, dual carriageways, and smooth, with the exception of a few uncompleted sections that shouldn’t significantly affect the journey.

So, what has changed? It is the security issue, especially within Benue State. This has necessitated the erection of numerous roadblocks, where drivers must stop and be inspected. As a result, the journey is no longer steady.

Checkpoints should be spaced reasonably—intervals of two kilometers would be ideal. Along this road, however, this is not the case. As a matter of fact, the checkpoint density is so high that one can say they are clustered. At almost every point, drivers have to stop, be inspected, and answer questions. If a driver carries only passengers, he usually answers questions and moves on, except in a few cases where money is demanded. If the driver carries goods, however, money is expected at every checkpoint. At customs checkpoints, the driver may pay as much as 2,000 naira, sometimes more. At checkpoints manned by soldiers or police, the amount is far less, usually falling between 200 and 400 naira.

We have a culture of abusing every situation that is meant to bring some form of relief. The habit of abusing every good intention only works to complicate matters. In this case, the abuse is the insistence that money must be paid to security officials at the checkpoints. This is the very reason why the number of checkpoints has grown astronomically, leading to the added hours it now takes to complete the journey. One often observes a situation where a soldier sits by the roadside while a hoodlum mans the checkpoint, collecting “royalties.” The use of hoodlums is one way to understand that the checkpoint is personal, belonging to the soldier sitting by the roadside. Another indication that the checkpoint is illegal is the exorbitant fees such hoodlums sometimes demand. Some insist that the driver pay 1,000 naira instead of the usual 200 naira. The hoodlum usually concedes only after his boss has mediated; he doesn’t want the issue to escalate, knowing the inspection point is illegal.

If the checkpoints are meant to improve the security situation, the inability of authorities to supervise them often creates new problems. The biggest problem is the long hours it takes to travel. Imagine someone traveling to Maiduguri along these roads. On my last journey to Jos, while returning from the National Mining and Geoscience Society conference in Uyo in the last week of March 2026, I ended up with swollen legs—a health challenge that took me two days to recover from. I never counted the number of checkpoints, but between Enugu and Benue States, one can confidently say there were as many as two checkpoints per kilometer, sometimes more. The driver kept giving “tips” to the point where I felt pity for him—our bus carried bales of garments and jerry cans of red oil. Even if there were a modest eighty checkpoints at an average of 300 naira each, the driver would have paid ₦24,000. He also had to grapple with fuel costs, which varied between ₦1,280 and ₦1,350 per litre at the time of my journey. All these factors translate into higher costs of living for ordinary people.

There is always a need for authorities to monitor the enforcement of policies to ensure they remain effective and continue to serve the purpose for which they were enacted.

Border Defense Is Not Xenophobia

Ai-generated Image

In March 2026, hundreds of South Africans marched through the streets of Durban, joined by groups such as Operation Dudula, March and March, and political parties including ActionSA. They demanded stricter border controls, mass deportations of undocumented foreigners, and relief for overburdened public services. Protesters specifically highlighted nationals from Nigeria, Pakistan, Bangladesh, and other countries, blaming uncontrolled inflows for job losses and rising crime. Police used rubber bullets and teargas to disperse the crowds after some incidents of harassment and looting. Nigeria’s high commission urged its citizens to exercise caution.

While the violence is unacceptable, the underlying grievances reflect a fundamental truth of governance: nations have the sovereign right—and responsibility—to manage immigration in the interest of their citizens. South Africa’s official unemployment rate stood at 31.4% in the fourth quarter of 2025, among the highest in the world, even after a modest decline. Data from Statistics South Africa show that foreign-born individuals have significantly higher employment absorption rates (around 64% in earlier measurements) compared to South African-born citizens (around 32%). Their unemployment rate has been notably lower (e.g., 18% versus 31% for locals in referenced periods). This disparity raises legitimate concerns about labor market displacement, particularly in informal sectors where migrants often accept lower wages or precarious conditions without strong union protections.

Additional pressures include strain on housing, healthcare, and education systems already struggling with service delivery failures. Public concerns about links between some undocumented migration and criminal activities further intensify tensions. These issues are not unique to South Africa; they mirror debates occurring across the globe. In the Americas, the United States under President Trump in 2025–2026 dramatically intensified border enforcement. Policies included expanded physical barriers, revived “Remain in Mexico”-style measures, tightened asylum rules, and a surge in ICE operations. The administration reported over 600,000 deportations alongside an estimated 1.9–2.2 million self-deportations in the first year, citing threats to public safety, wages, and sovereignty from record irregular crossings and cartel-linked activities. Interior enforcement saw arrests increase more than fourfold in some metrics, supported by substantial new funding (including $170 billion over four years via legislation for detention and barriers). Mexico has cooperated on returns, acknowledging the limits of absorbing unchecked flows.

Europe provides equally robust examples. In 2025–2026, multiple Schengen countries—including Germany, France, and Italy—extended or reintroduced internal border controls, citing irregular migration, smuggling networks, and security risks. The EU advanced its Migration and Asylum Pact, effective from mid-2026, which emphasizes faster deportations, offshore processing/“return hubs” in third countries, and burden-sharing mechanisms. Deportation orders reached over 240,000 in the first half of 2025 across the Schengen area, with actual returns rising (e.g., France reporting increases of over 25% in prior data). The UK pursued returns agreements and workplace enforcement. Italy expanded external processing deals (e.g., with Albania), while Germany and others eased rules for deporting criminal offenders and rejected asylum seekers. Reasons cited include overwhelmed welfare systems, integration failures, youth crime concerns, and strain on public services—issues persisting despite some decline in irregular arrivals.

South Africa faces parallel realities. Gratitude for international solidarity during the anti-apartheid era should not obligate open borders or uncontrolled inflows today. Nigeria played a leading role in that struggle, contributing an estimated US$61 billion overall (including government efforts to isolate the regime, sanctions advocacy, and scholarships) and establishing the Southern Africa Relief Fund, through which ordinary Nigerians—including civil servants—donated portions of their salaries. Other African and global actors provided diplomatic, financial, and moral support that helped end institutionalized racial oppression—an historic achievement.

Yet apartheid was a system of legalized racial hierarchy and exclusion based on skin color. Uncontrolled immigration today is a separate policy challenge involving capacity, legality, economic fairness, and social cohesion in a democratic South Africa with 31.4% unemployment. Past alliances do not create an open-ended entitlement to residency or resources. Every sovereign state weighs compassion against its ability to integrate newcomers without harming citizens’ prospects. Expecting South Africa to do otherwise sets a double standard not applied to the US, Germany, France, Italy, or the UK. Responsible border management—through expedited deportations of undocumented individuals, targeted enforcement against criminal networks, and legal channels for skilled migrants who demonstrably fill gaps—aligns with global norms. Peaceful protests that highlight policy failures contribute to democratic accountability. Vigilantism and violence undermine the very rule of law South Africa fought to establish. In an age of heightened global migration, prioritizing citizens’ interests through orderly, enforceable immigration policy is not xenophobia. It is basic statecraft practiced by nations worldwide. South Africa has every right to do the same.

Who Made Nigeria the Big Brother of Africa? The Untold Story

Nigeria's Leadership Role in Africa: Source: AI-generated

This is a question that is often asked, especially by younger generation of Africans, born the post-2000s. It's not usually one single event, but rather a combination of historical moments, consistent foreign policy, and cultural influence that built this trust.

Here’s a breakdown of the key events and factors that made other Africans see Nigeria as a reliable representation of the continent.

The Foundational Event: The Anti-Apartheid Struggle (1960s - 1994)

This is, by far, the most significant and frequently cited reason for Nigeria's continental leadership and the goodwill it enjoys. For decades, apartheid in South Africa and minority rule in Rhodesia (now Zimbabwe) and Portuguese colonies (Angola, Mozambique) were the central moral and political issues for the entire continent.

Nigeria's role was pivotal and multifaceted

Financial Backbone

Nigeria was a founding member and the backbone of the African Liberation Committee of the Organisation of African Unity (OAU, now the African Union). It generously funded liberation movements like the ANC (African National Congress) and PAC in South Africa, as well as ZAPU and ZANU in Rhodesia.

Oil Weapon

After the 1973 oil embargo, Nigeria used its oil wealth as a political tool. It pledged its oil revenues to support frontline states (countries bordering white-ruled territories) that suffered economic and military retaliation from apartheid South Africa. Nigeria also nationalised British Petroleum (BP) assets in the country to pressure the UK, a major ally of the apartheid regime.

Diplomatic and Military Support: Nigeria provided scholarships, training, and safe havens for liberation fighters and exiles. While it didn't deploy combat troops, it provided crucial military logistics and training.

Moral Voice

Nigerian leaders and intellectuals were consistent and vocal opponents of apartheid on the world stage, using their influence at the UN and Commonwealth to push for sanctions and isolate the white minority government in South Africa.

When Nelson Mandela was finally released in 1990 and became President in 1994, he explicitly acknowledged Nigeria's immense contribution. He famously said that Nigeria's role was one that "no other country on the African continent could boast of." This validation from the hero of the liberation struggle cemented Nigeria's status in the minds of generations of Africans. **This was the foundational event that created a deep and lasting reservoir of goodwill.

Key Moments of Leadership and Solidarity

Beyond the anti-apartheid struggle, several other events reinforced this belief:

Active Role in the Formation of the OAU (1963)

As one of the most populous and resource-rich countries to gain independence in 1960, Nigeria played a key role in the creation of the Organisation of African Unity. Its first Prime Minister, Abubakar Tafawa Balewa, was a respected voice for moderation and cooperation, advocating for a gradualist approach to continental unity.

ECOWAS Intervention in Liberia and Sierra Leone (1990s)

 While initially seen with some suspicion (particularly by Francophone countries wary of Nigerian dominance), Nigeria's leadership in the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) was a major test of its commitment to regional stability. It provided over 90% of the troops, funding, and logistics for the ECOMOG peacekeeping forces in Liberia and Sierra Leone. Despite the messy and controversial nature of those wars, Nigerians bled and died to try and stop the chaos in neighbouring countries. For many in West Africa, this demonstrated that Nigeria was willing to pay a heavy price for regional peace.

Debt Cancellation Advocacy (2000s)

 Under President Olusegun Obasanjo, Nigeria successfully negotiated the cancellation of a significant portion of its own massive foreign debt. Crucially, it then used its new economic standing and moral authority to advocate for debt relief for other heavily indebted poor countries in Africa, framing it as a matter of fairness and justice.

African Union and NEPAD

Obasanjo was also a key driver behind the transformation of the OAU into the more robust African Union (AU) and the creation of NEPAD (New Partnership for Africa's Development), a framework for continental development. This positioned Nigeria as a country thinking about Africa's long-term future.

The "Soft Power" Influence: The Everyday Proof

Finally, there's the intangible but powerful cultural and demographic factor that makes Nigeria feel like "Big Brother" to many:

Demographic Weight

Simply put, one in every five or six Black Africans is Nigerian. Its enormous population (largest in Africa) and massive economy (largest in Africa) naturally give it a sense of scale and importance that is hard to ignore. When Nigeria speaks, it speaks for a huge number of people.

 

Cultural Export: The explosion of Nollywood films, Afrobeats music (from Fela Kuti to Burna Boy and Wizkid), and Nigerian literature has made its culture the dominant popular culture in many parts of Africa. This creates a sense of familiarity and shared identity. People in Ghana, Kenya, or Zambia grow up watching Nigerian stories and dancing to Nigerian music, building a cultural connection that feels organic and not imposed.

So, when other Africans support Nigeria, they are often recalling this long history of being the country that put its money, its soldiers, and its international reputation on the line for the cause of a free and united Africa.